Whither Nigeria’s political class?

IT might have been a coincidence that the 50th anniversary of the first military coup in Nigeria and the first New Year of this administration are occurring about the same time, yet this coincidence provides a moment of reflection on the political state of this country from independence to date. It also provides an occasion, as certain other opportunities often do, to evaluate the words and deeds of the political class by raising fundamental questions, and to attempt solutions. Today it must be said, the ship of state is not steady. The economy is in the doldrums and the future looks bleak, all because of an elite that has done little than prey on the country.

What has Nigeria learnt in the many years of its political existence? What has the years of independence bestowed on this country? Why is it that, in spite of our chequered experiences, the political class is yet to address the basic question of leadership? Is it that this class is incapable of developing successful models of problem solving that are peculiarly Nigerian?

Since the five and half decades of independence, the reasons adduced for self-rule, namely incredulity to colonial subjugation, mental dislocation, cultural alienation, amongst others, are still very much with Nigerians. The nation’s political and economic decisions are still tied to dictates from far-flung Western powers, our thoughts are terrorised by foreign languages, and our morals and values bear no resemblance to the traditions of our culture. The fact that this state of affairs has invaded our national psyche raises questions as to what purpose our political experience has served thus far.

The argument that colonialists met flourishing organised societies in Nigeria, but upturned these indigenous social structures from a progressive and integrated communalistic world to an individualistic colonial centre manned by metropolitan forces, is a weak one as global political experiences have shown. Besides, the same pre-independence traditional institutions still exist today. How far have they reversed the situation, or regained their dignity as custodians of the moral and religious values of our people? Or have they embellished their statuses from culture moulders to prebendal and oppressive demigods?

The first military coup, which ushered in the junta into a brutal reign of high-handedness and arbitrariness, was, according to its exponents, predicated on the corruption and nepotism of the ruling elite. Yet, what level of corruption and nepotism that was perpetrated then that has not been surpassed by the military and the re-emergent civil political elite.

Nigeria’s journey since independence has been a dissipation of frenetic energy on a merry-go-round. There has been a great show of activities: years of peripatetic presidential stewardship of frequent globe-trotting and attendance at international conventions and summits, lavish media celebration of launched infrastructural projects, great speeches about economic leap and potential greatness, and a litany of self eulogy by successive governments. Yet, they have led to nowhere. The problem of leadership that caused the motion for independence, and also led to the first coup, and others thereafter, still haunts Nigeria today.

From experience, it seems clear that Nigeria has a lax political class, impervious to knowledge and bereft of understanding. If Nigeria must renegotiate its circuitous movement, its political class must be condemned to seek knowledge.

The most fundamental knowledge restructure that the polity would need centres on cultural education and enlightenment. By cultural education is meant not the shallow information dissemination that goes on routinely in institutions of learning, but rather an advocacy for deep understanding of Nigeria’s historical and multicultural space. This kind of education demands a patriotic retrieval of problem-solving instruments and indigenous models from our repertoire of cultural experience. This is the way forward-looking nations all over the world have addressed national challenges. Like great nations of today, countries from non-Western civilisations have built upon the knowledge of their past to construct their nations. But how many Nigerian politicians know of, and explore, the political strategies of Nana As’mau, for instance, in the empowerment of women? Or of legendary empire builders and their strategies of political integration and stability? Beyond empty eulogies and flagrant celebrations in history and social studies textbooks, how can the sculpting technology of the fabled Nok culture be harnessed for today’s economic development?

Nigeria’s political class, and the populace too, need to learn and understand that leadership is not about ethnic domination or selfish power equation; it is rather a disposition of moral strength and sacrifice to genuinely carry out a mission for the common good. It is, as this paper often states, doing well what leaders have sworn to do for their country. As it concerns our present situation, it demands development of authentic, home-grown initiative to problem-solving, and not total reliance on ineffective, self-negating models that are ruinous to our society.

The tragedy of Nigeria’s situation is that the people are versed in the learning of the West and the Orient in such a way that they are impervious to successes of our forebears. True, the benefit of cultural education cannot be over-emphasised. Nigerian political leaders carry on as if the principles of good governance are alien to our cultural practices, as if the values of accountability and transparency are ideas of the West and nowhere else, and as if women rights agenda for Africa were first proposed by UNIFEM and Beijing 1995.

These proposals for a new Nigeria are a daunting one. To chart a course of progress, Nigeria needs big dreamers and even bigger dreams, leaders who would do things the unusual way. But judging by the temperament of our ruling elite, we cannot wait for the government to be advocates of this sort of epochal cultural regeneration. It may well be that with the backdrop of a bankrupt political class, and a discredited military elite, the private sector would become the catalyst to spear head this. In this regard, the private sector must take the initiative of cultural enlightenment for our leaders and the populace. The success of Nollywood as a national heritage and iconic image builder is reminiscent of this private sector-led cultural enlightenment of the populace.

The truth, as social history has shown, is that when a nation has citizens that are educated, it is easy to govern such people.