Buhari’s war on corruption: Real or fake (3)
Continued from yesterday
FROM 1966-1999, Caliphate scions dominated the Nigerian military which dominated the nation. By 1999, they had developed a complex and clever political apparatus for exploiting their colony, Nigeria. They codified it as the 1999 Constitution, and imposed it by military decree. Their hope was that, using the cover of that fake-democracy façade, they would fool everybody and forever dominate and exploit the rest of Nigerians –just like the white settlers in South Africa hoped to forever exploit the natives of South Africa through the Apartheid constitution with its fake democracy from which the black majority were excluded.
In the case of the Caliphate fake-democracy, the other Nigerians are not excluded from participation in elections and government. However, Caliphate colonialists in Nigeria have organised the political power to appropriate the surplus produced by non-Caliphate sectors of the country using various devices in the 1999 constitution. For example, the 1999 Constitution distributes the seats in the National Assembly, NASS, in a way that guarantees Caliphate domination of the NASS. And its lopsided distribution of states and Local Government Areas, LGAs, guarantees that the Caliphate territory gets more than its fair share of Nigeria’s state revenues, principally through the constitution’s provision for revenue allocation to states and LGAs regardless of what each produces or contributes to the national coffers.
Furthermore, the looting immunity granted to the state governors ensures that in every state there are local politicians who stand to benefit personally by the looting arrangement. This device co-opts the political class in the whole country as accomplices and self-serving defenders of the Caliphate system. That is why the Caliphate is adamant about keeping the 1999 Constitution, even by resort to civil war as Junaid Mohammed threatened in 2013. That is the system that Buhari has come to entrench.
Since corruption/lootocracy, whereby state revenues are looted into the pockets of key office holders, is precisely the Caliphate’s main feudalist mechanism for plundering Nigeria, Buhari, as the Caliphate’s political leader, will do nothing to uproot it. He will do just enough shadow boxing with it to fool the ever gullible Nigerian public.
He will make a big show of catching and punishing many high profile looters, even starting with some of his fellow Caliphate officials so as to give the impression that he is impartial in fighting corruption.
As some have speculated, Buhari may sideline the EFCC, ICPC etc. and hire consultants to ferret out corrupt officials; he may even set up special courts to try corruption cases so as to reduce the logjam in the regular courts, as advocated by some—but that is all like trying to swat, one by one, the mosquitoes in your bedroom that are bred in the swamp in your backyard, instead of destroying the breeding ground of the mosquitoes by draining the swamp.
Confining his war on corruption to the Jonathan administration
Another aspect of Buhari’s war on corruption that gives a clue to his Caliphate hidden agenda is his insistence on confining it to the Jonathan administration. [Buhari will probe Jonathan’s govt only; not Obasanjo’s, others – Presidency
Nigerians have rightly condemned this as an indication that he is on a witch-hunt, instead of a genuine war on corruption. Balarabe Musa, the civilian Governor of Kaduna State during the Shagari presidency, 1979-1983, has already challenged President Muhammadu Buhari to extend his corruption probe to past regimes starting from 1966. He said such an investigation should include Mr. Buhari’s military regime between 1983 and 1985.
“At the moment, he seems to be sparing some people because he said he will probe only Jonathan’s administration and will not probe the others.
“That is negative and short-sighted and will not solve the problem of the country. He should go the whole hog from 1966 till date because the corruption we find today started at that time,” the former governor said.
“He should probe everyone and everything including himself . . .,” he added.
[Balarabe Musa to Buhari—Probe your military regime if you’re serious about corruption war
In support of Balarabe Musa, I shall focus light on a special aspect of Buahri’s limiting of the scope of his war on corruption. Lawyers are fond of telling us about coming to equity with clean hands.
Coming to equity with clean hands
In this war on corruption, Buhari is the chief accuser and prosecutor of the accused. But is Buhari himself innocent of corruption? If there is evidence that he is not, then he ought to start by prosecuting himself and withdrawing from the role of prosecutor until he has had his own day in court and is discharged and acquitted of every charge of corruption.
Nigerians who are under 50 today were either not born or were too young in 1980 to have been aware of the scandal over the N2.8bn, which was then more than $2.8bn, that went missing when Buhari was in charge of the NNPC during the Obasanjo military regime that ended in 1979. That scandal was never cleared up under President Shagari before Buhari overthrew Shagari. So the question arises: In prosecuting anybody today, is Buhari coming to equity with clean hands? Shouldn’t he be obliged to begin by probing and prosecuting himself?
For the sake of justice being done and seen to be done, Buhari should be required to give an undertaking now, before he starts prosecuting anybody, that the case of the N2.8bn shall be the second taken to trial by whatever court tries the first of those he accuses of corruption. And his solemn pledge must be sworn in public and on the Holy Koran. And he should also swear to resign as President should he fail to prosecute himself the day after the first case is concluded. Only so can he assure the world that there will be no sacred cows in his war on corruption.
The Caliphate’s three castes’ view of Nigeria and Buhari’s interest only in corruption under Jonathan
For an insight into why Buhari insists on limiting his war on corruption to the Jonathan administration, we must peer at things through the lenses of the Caliphate’s concept of Nigeria as consisting of three castes: The heirs of Dan Fodio; the Northern minorities, the peoples of the Middle Belt, who are to be used as the willing tools of the heirs of Dan Fodio; and the conquered peoples of the south.
The classic statement of this caste system was made by none other than Sir Ahmadu Bello, a great-grandson of Dan Fodio, who was the political leader of the Caliphate when Nigeria was granted independence in 1960. A few days after Nigeria attained independence, he told his people:
• To be continued tomorrow
• Chinweizu wrote via Sundoor999@gmail.com